THE ANNOTATED AMBEDKAR


The Riddle of the Shudra, Part 2 (Chapter 1 of Who were the Shudras?)


Pagination in square brackets corresponds to the first edition of Who were the shudras? How they came to be the fourth varna in the Indo-Aryan society? (Bombay: Thacker & Co., 1946).


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II

[6] A critical examination of the Purusha Sukta therefore becomes very essential.

It is claimed by the Hindus that the Purusha Sukta is unique. This is no doubt a tall claim for an idea which came to birth when the mind of man was primitive and was without the rich endowment of varied thought available in modern times. But there need not be much difficulty in admitting this claim provided it is understood in what respect the Purusha Sukta is unique.

The principal ground for regarding the Purusha Sukta as unique is that the ideal of social organization, namely, the ideal of Chaturvarnya which it upholds, is unique. Is this a sufficient ground for holding the Purusha Sukta as unique? The Purusha Sukta would really have been unique if it had preached a classless Society as an ideal form of society. But what does the Purusha Sukta do? It preaches a class-composed Society as its ideal. Can this be regarded as unique? Only a nationalist and a patriot can give an affirmative answer to this question. The existence of classes has been the de facto condition of every society, which is not altogether primitive. It is a normal state of society all over the world where society is in a comparatively advanced state. Looking at it from [7] this point of view, what uniqueness can there be in the Purusha Sukta, when it does no more than recognise the sort of class composition that existed in the Indo–Aryan Society?

Notwithstanding this, the Purusha Sukta must be admitted to be unique, though for quite different reasons. The unfortunate part of the matter is that many people do not know the true reasons why the Purusha Sukta should be regarded as unique. But once the true reasons are known, people will not only have no hesitation in accepting that the Purusha Sukta is a unique production of the human intellect but will perhaps be shocked to know what an extraordinary production of human ingenuity it is.

What are the features of the social ideal of the Purusha Sukta, which give it the hall-mark of being unique? Though the existence of classes is the de facto condition of, every society, nevertheless no society has converted this de facto state of affairs into a de jure connotation of an ideal society. The scheme of the Purusha Sukta is the only instance in which the real is elevated to the dignity of an ideal. This is the first unique feature of the scheme set forth in the Purusha Sukta.

Secondly, no community has given the de facto state of class composition a legal effect by accepting it as a de jure connotation of an ideal society. The case of the Greeks is a case in point. Class composition was put forth as an ideal social structure by no less an advocate than Plato. But the Greeks never thought of making it real by giving it the sanction of law. The Purusha Sukta is the only instance in which an attempt was made to give reality to the ideal by invoking the sanction of law.

Thirdly, no society has accepted that the class composition is an ideal. At the most they have accepted it as being natural. The Purusha Sukta goes further. It not only regards class composition as natural and ideal, but also regards it as sacred and divine. Fourthly, the number of the classes has never been a matter of dogma in any society known to history. The [8] Romans had two classes. The Egyptians thought three were enough. The Indo-Iranians also had no more than three classes: (1) The Athravans (priests) (2) Rathaeshtar (warriors) and (8) the Vastrya-fshuyat (peasantry).1Wilhelm Geiger, Civilization of the Eastern Iranians in Ancient Times with an Introduction on the Zend Avesta, vol. 2: The Old Iranian Polity and the Age of the Avesta (1886, trans. Darab Dastur Peshotan Sanjana), p. 64. The scheme of the Purusha Sukta makes the division of society into four classes a matter of dogma. According to it, there can be neither more nor less.

Fifthly, every society leaves a class to find its place vis-a-vis other classes according to its importance in society as may be determined by the forces operating from time to time. No society has an official gradation laid down, fixed and permanent, with an ascending scale of reverence and a descending scale of contempt.2Ambedkar deploys this phrase, with occasional variation, extremely frequently. See BAWS 1, 167; BAWS 2, 506; BAWS 3, 48, 105; BAWS 5, 384, etc. The scheme of the Purusha Sukta is unique, in as much as it fixes a permanent warrant of precedence among the different classes, which neither time nor circumstances can alter. The warrant of precedence is based on the principle of graded inequality3ANNOTATION: The concept of graded inequality is extremely important for Ambedkar. He uses and explains it frequently. On its centrality to the ‘Hindu social order’, consider the following:

“That the principle of graded inequality is a fundamental principle is beyond controversy The four classes are not on horizontal plane, different but equal. They are on vertical plane. Not only different but unequal in status, one standing above the other. In the scheme of Manu, the Brahmin is placed at the first in rank. Below him is the Kshatriya. Below the Kshatriya is the Vaishya. Below Vaishya is the Shudra and below Shudra is the Ati-shudra or the Untouchable. This order of precedence among the classes is not merely conventional. It is spiritual, moral and legal. There is no sphere of life which is not regulated by this principle of graded inequality.” (BAWS 3, 107)

On its pernicious effects, consider the following:

“Although its effects have not been clearly noticed there can be no doubt that because of it the Hindus have been stricken with palsy. Students of social organization have been content with noting the difference between equality and inequality. None have realized that in addition to equality and inequality there is such a thing as graded inequality. Yet inequality is not half so dangerous as graded inequality. Inequality carried within itself the seeds of its own destruction. Inequality does not last long. Under pure and simple inequality two things happen. It creates general discontent which forms the seed of revolution. Secondly it makes the sufferers combine against a common foe and on a common grievance. But the nature and circumstances of the system of graded inequality leave no room for either of these two things to happen. The system of graded inequality prevents the rise of general discontent against inequity. It cannot therefore become the storm centre of revolution. Secondly the sufferers under inequality becoming unequal both in terms of the benefit and the burden there is no possibility of a general combination of all classes to overthrow the inequity. …One of the reasons why there has been no revolution against Brahmanism and its inequities is due entirely to the principle of graded inequality. If is a system of permitting a share in the spoils with a view to enlist them to support the spoils system. It is a system full of low cunning which man could have invented to perpetuate inequity and to profit by it. For it is nothing else but inviting people to share in inequity in order that they may all be supporters of inequity.” (BAWS 3, 320; see also BAWS 5, 101–102)
among the four classes, whereby it recognises the Brahmin to be above all, the Kshatriya below the Brahmin but above the Vaishya and the Shudra, the Vaishya below the Kshatriya but above the Shudra and the Shudra below all.


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NOTES
  • 1
    Wilhelm Geiger, Civilization of the Eastern Iranians in Ancient Times with an Introduction on the Zend Avesta, vol. 2: The Old Iranian Polity and the Age of the Avesta (1886, trans. Darab Dastur Peshotan Sanjana), p. 64. ↩︎
  • 2
    Ambedkar deploys this phrase, with occasional variation, extremely frequently. See BAWS 1, 167; BAWS 2, 506; BAWS 3, 48, 105; BAWS 5, 384, etc. ↩︎
  • 3
    ANNOTATION: The concept of graded inequality is extremely important for Ambedkar. He uses and explains it frequently. On its centrality to the ‘Hindu social order’, consider the following:

    “That the principle of graded inequality is a fundamental principle is beyond controversy The four classes are not on horizontal plane, different but equal. They are on vertical plane. Not only different but unequal in status, one standing above the other. In the scheme of Manu, the Brahmin is placed at the first in rank. Below him is the Kshatriya. Below the Kshatriya is the Vaishya. Below Vaishya is the Shudra and below Shudra is the Ati-shudra or the Untouchable. This order of precedence among the classes is not merely conventional. It is spiritual, moral and legal. There is no sphere of life which is not regulated by this principle of graded inequality.” (BAWS 3, 107)

    On its pernicious effects, consider the following:

    “Although its effects have not been clearly noticed there can be no doubt that because of it the Hindus have been stricken with palsy. Students of social organization have been content with noting the difference between equality and inequality. None have realized that in addition to equality and inequality there is such a thing as graded inequality. Yet inequality is not half so dangerous as graded inequality. Inequality carried within itself the seeds of its own destruction. Inequality does not last long. Under pure and simple inequality two things happen. It creates general discontent which forms the seed of revolution. Secondly it makes the sufferers combine against a common foe and on a common grievance. But the nature and circumstances of the system of graded inequality leave no room for either of these two things to happen. The system of graded inequality prevents the rise of general discontent against inequity. It cannot therefore become the storm centre of revolution. Secondly the sufferers under inequality becoming unequal both in terms of the benefit and the burden there is no possibility of a general combination of all classes to overthrow the inequity. …One of the reasons why there has been no revolution against Brahmanism and its inequities is due entirely to the principle of graded inequality. If is a system of permitting a share in the spoils with a view to enlist them to support the spoils system. It is a system full of low cunning which man could have invented to perpetuate inequity and to profit by it. For it is nothing else but inviting people to share in inequity in order that they may all be supporters of inequity.” (BAWS 3, 320; see also BAWS 5, 101–102) ↩︎

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